Doctrine (in English)

Estonian Independence Party political doctrine

Estonian Independence Party political doctrine:
“ESTONIA’S INDEPENDENCE AND THE ECONOMY – ESTONIA AS A NEOAUTARKIC GEOPOLITICAL SPHERE“

I POSITION

§ 1. Estonia is a geopolitical subject with exceptionally large weight (although latent at the present time), due to its geographical location. Therefore it is impossible to successfully guide Estonia’s foreign policy, economy and national security without in-depth knowledge in geopolitics, the science and the method of analysis of the „tip of the iceberg“ of the covert policies of world powers. At the same time, with knowledge in geopolitics, it is fundamentally simple to lead Estonia into fulfilling its natural role: as a world power [1] so to speak, mediating continents, geopolitical spheres, in the geopolitical status of an intermediate region.

§ 2. After the end of the cold war, fast power shifts on the global scale began, started by three major developments: the slowing down of Soviet economic growth, therefore shifting the balance favourably towards the USA; the strengthening of the islamic fundamentalist movement and the start of China’s extra speedy economic growth. USA and its allies started to regard China and Islam as the main threat, instead of the Soviet Union. The West decided to add to itself the whole of the former Soviet Union and its periphery, after which there would have surfaced a world made up of four geopolitical spheres: USA, Eurasia, China, and the Islamic world. The transformation of the EU into an European federation began, along with the dismantling of the Soviet Union, planning to add former Soviet areas into the European federation as provinces. Perestroika was really the dismantling/reorganizing of Russian geospace according to the agreements of great world powers (USA, Russia, Germany). But it turned out differently, Russia jumped off the Perestroika bandwagon, the Eurasian Sphere did not happen, and the world is currently pentapolar – a field of power made up of five geospheres, with intermediate regions in between.

§ 3. What would be the right path for Estonia? Either to remain independent or subject itself to EU rule? Which is the natural development of civilization as a whole in the near future? Is it the vanishing of nations and nation-states, or their preservation? Estonian Independence Party (EIP) is convinced that the correct paradigm for civilization for the coming decades is the following: equal states under a uniting purpose (= confederative harmony). And the wrong paradigm is the following: nationless world-citizens under the rule of few (=unitarian world government). Estonian Independence Party considers the joining of the EU to be a classic case of expanding geospace – the red communism of the Soviet Union has been replaced by the expansion of the European Union on the expense of nation-states – and does not deem right to go along with that.


II NEOCOLONIZATION

§ 4. In 1970, the Bretton Woods treaty, which fixed the price of national currences with the price of gold, was voided. Thus began the gradual transition into the free flow of capital between countries. At the same time began the transition of the economic policies of leading Western countries, from the old competition strategy (niche-centered, cost-minimizing strategy), to the new competition strategy. The essence of the latter is the maximization of costs in order to conquer markets, instead of adapting to them; the reduction of the collective power of workers (mostly by outsourcing); reaching for the synergetic effect through mergers and takeovers; the application of „a tooth for a tooth“ policy in economic competition, where winner takes all (lose-win scenario replacing win-win). As a consequence, a world developed, where weaker countries are neocolonized by stronger countries.

§ 5. The neocolonizing policy of Western great powers (= the conquering of resources and markets, also of cheap labour force, by economic and political measures), was enforced by IMF and WTO. This brought about the so called globalization – the free flow of products, capital and outsourcing. Globalization is in essence a business project of the global financial and political elite, an attempt to privatize profit and nationalize loss. Therefore, there is no such thing as globalization, there is globalizing. Globalizing, however, does not reach into all important aspects of human existence – for example, the struggle for freedom of nations. The number of nation-states in the world is constantly growing.

III EUROPEAN UNION

§ 6. The treaty of the European Union and the treaty of Amsterdam transformed the European Union into a formation sui generis, which has dynamically, due to the vague nature of the objectives written into those agreements as general provisions, and by the supremacy of the European Court, reached a competence of competence (= the sovereignty to expand the supreme grasp of European law over the highest legislation of any member state), and will transform inevitably from a union of independent states into a federation [2]. After the Nice treaty has been ratified by all member states, the European Union will become a federation with its own constitution. At the same time, the creation of European Union’s military has begun (by calling it crisis response forces in a desorienting manner), also the creation of a police state has already begun (Europol has been given powers which conflict the convention of human rights).

§ 7. With common currency and the four basic rights of the EU (the free movement of capital, services and of labour force), the European Union will become a big business-oriented, american-style, economically aggressive subject. At the Lisbon summit in 2000, a decision was made to become the world’s most competitive economy within 10 years. The EU’s eastern expansion was carried out in order to reinforce its economic offensive capability, with the primary objective to gain resources, market, territory and cheap, but skilled labour force [3].

§ 8. The legislation of the EU has been designed in such a way, that the „nail“ carrying Big Peter’s bread basket has been hit to heights only he can reach, meaning that the winners in the EU’s eastern expansion will be the old member states, primarily the big capital in those states. The apparent „cleverness“ of Small Peter (Estonia and other transition states), to go to the EU in order to gain access to Big Peter’s bread basket, would be an embarrassing notion for an intelligent person. Big Peter even deemed necessary to make a clarifying remark: „If the objective is to gain more money, then it would be more sensible to stand outside the EU“, (Romano Prodi in Pärnu, summer 2001).

IV SECURITY

§ 9. Why do foxes always talk about the beautiful singing voice of the crow, and never about the piece of cheese the crow is carrying? Why the incessant attempts to make it look as if Estonia is poor, small, insignificant, etc. Naturally, because somebody is very interested in keeping the Estonian public in the dark regarding the matter that Estonia is an exceptionally rich country, especially per capita. On top of the unprecedented natural resources, in the European context (forest, fields, lakes, sea, coastline, territory per capita, etc), Estonia also holds vast underground resources. Estonian Independence Party regards as its mission to make it known to the public, that the phosphorite deposits of Estonia are largest in Europe, Estonia’s deposits of graptolite argillite are practically unlimited (60 billion tons), that the Jõhvi deposit field holds over 0,5 billion tons of averagely 31,5% rich iron ore. Maardu deposit field has 258 million cubic metres of high quality black granite [4]. Already have our peat reserves been the target of attack by foreign capital, the onslaught to our greatest wealth – clean groundwater – is beginning. And so on. Analysts are agreeing on at least one issue regarding the near future of our planet, the issue that in the 21. century, there will be an uncompromising fight for resources, and only those in command of resources, will succeed in the long run. The European Union, which has scrupulously cleaned itself of its natural resources, is confidently already enjoying the moment, when „the crows“ let their pieces of cheese drop. One of those „crows“ is called Estonia.

§ 10. On top of that, Estonia holds unprecedented geopolitical resource as a territory, which connects two continents, two Spheres. This fact creates unique opportunities for Estonia, but at the same time, presents a categoric demand – to be aware of, and abide by the conditions of stability between the two Spheres. Namely: the situation in the connecting point of the two Spheres can be stable only when the connecting territory is independent, neutral, and protected by a third, remote, stronger geopolitical sphere. This model already proved its functionality in a classic manner, when in 1920, Germany and Russia where of similar „weight“, and Estonia was controlled by a remote, stronger Sphere – Britain. Only the concurrence of those conditions allowed Estonia’s independence. The circumstances are the same right now: both Russia and the EU have not quite yet achieved their full potential as geospheres, and the growing influence of the USA (NATO; which at the same time does not pose an imperative to sell something of Estonia to the USA, nor become a full member of NATO) allows the safe continuation of Estonia’s independence.

§ 11. Estonian Independence Party has always been in favour of Estonia joining NATO, although the September 11-th events have made the situation more complicated: the sudden armament escalation which began in the USA (defence budget was increased from 3,9% GDP to over 5%); the unwillingness to comply with the UN in its foreign and military actions; the USA-Islamic global conflict, etc. Joining of NATO would not become a national security defence, but would mean Estonia’s de facto pulling into warfare between civilizations. Taking into account the difficulty of finding the right decision, EIP deems appropriate, that the joining of NATO would be done by referendum. If the greatest power in Estonia, the people, makes a bad decision, then the responsibility of that decision will also be of the people. Regardless, however, of NATO membership, Estonia must remain an independent state and become a neoautarkic [5] geopolitical sphere.

§ 12. Neoautarky. The conquering of states does not usually take place nowadays using military force, but using economic and political aggression. A state in the status of intermediary area can be neoautarkic, if its resources, including its geopolitical resources, are correctly administered (regarding the correct way to administer Estonia’s resources, see § 18, 20-22). That will ensure security and economic growth for our state, in conditions of a globalizing economy; whereas the geopolitical resource is determined not by lack of contacts with other spheres, but the freedom in choosing between contacts, enabling to enforce the principle of geopolitical equilibrium.

§ 13. Therefore, the conditions of Estonia’s security are the following:
· Estonia must remain an independent state;
· Estonia must fulfil its geopolitical-imperative responsibility/mission: to mediate Spheres and continents in a balanced manner, communicating in an equally dignified way with all, on the basis of reciprocal benefit, so that Estonia must become a so-called world country, (in a way that a nuclear reactor needs fuel rods, the world needs stable intermediate areas – world countries) a political voice;
· The basis of Estonia’s foreign policy must be geopolitics;
· We must implement the accelerated growth of our national economic sector (=economic activity of residents) with priority in front of the economic activity of non-residents.
Our foreign policy/geopolitical strategy is correct and successful, if Estonia’s military security will be set in trilateral negotiations between Estonia-USA-Russia as a geopolitical issue.

§ 14. If Estonia does not have enough will to remain independent, then we must take into account, that the joining of the EU puts our non-estonian population into a tight situation, in relation to the russian speaking people favouring the EU, because of their perception, that the EU would improve their economic situation [6]. But as for the average Estonian, the EU membership means an economic collapse [7], the loyalty of non-estonians would rapidly end. Thus, „Big Peter“ was wrong in Pärnu, when he said, that: „EU is something else, EU is a common future.“ European Union and Estonia can no longer have a common future – the result of joining would be future unrests, as the loyalty of non-estonians disappears. Estonian security solution by trilateral negotiations and independence would solve major key issues and open the doors for a mixed solution to the national question: to integrate on the Estonian side, those that wish to integrate, and repatriate to the Russian side those, that do not wish to integrate. The lack of labour and a steep decline in birth rate will force Russia to implement a major repatriation program in the near future, which will include Estonia only if the nationality issue is solved in a mutually acceptable grounds. Thereby giving effect to the opportunity for normalization of economic relations between Russia and Estonia.

§ 15. It is obligatory to end the rapid decline of Estonia’s national economic sector [8], because the worsening of the economic conditions of the majority of the population will also lead to an end to loyalty in the near future. This is on the one hand. On the other hand, a state whose economy is subjected by foreign capital, be a geopolitical mediator, a player in world politics.

V ECONOMY

§ 16. Estonia is a typical economically and politically neocolonized state [9]. Estonia lacks its own economic policy, because the economic policy of the present government is de facto the economic policy of IMF and the European Union in Estonia, and Estonian foreign policy is the foreign policy of the USA and the EU in Estonia. It is inevitably necessary to create our own development strategy, to give the country back its role as the only possible guarantor in the securing of the countries development and the social security of its people.

§ 17. At present time, the world has grouped into four different groups by economic strategy:
1. Neoliberal capitalism (Western industrial nations);
2. South-East Asian national protectionism (China, Japan, S-Korea, Malaysia, Taiwan, etc);
3. IMF command strategy: privatize everything, liberalize the economy, balance the budget, minimize state role (in the neocolonized coutries);
4. Survivalism (mostly third world weak countries, fighting for survival, where economic policy is difficult to find or classify).
Estonia is located in the third sector.

§ 18. To end economic and political neocolonization in Estonia, the state must be moved from the third sector the second, which inevitably means abiding by the following qualitative measures:
· take back the application to join the European Union;
· to end immediately the fulfilling of IMF-s so called recommendations and implement an economic policy centered around our national economic sector;
· to bring the legislation of the Bank of Estonia into accurate correspondance with the central bank laws on a modern, successful, independent state, to transform the Bank of Estonia into a real central bank, which serves the interests of the Estonian state and the Estonian people [10];
· to restore/create the whole classical banking spectre: national banking (thereby firstly communal banking and mortgage bank), the commercial banking representing the capital of different geospheres, national commerce bank, etc. [11].
Until those conditions are met simultaneously, a rise in the living standards of the majority of the population (abt. 80% of the population) is basically impossible.

§ 19. The continuation of the present conditions will lead to irreversible consequences: joining the EU, the final demise of the national economic sector, etc, with the inevitable logic consequence for Estonian people of losing their homeland, the so-called aborigination – the neocolonization process would go to its natural conclusion, territory would be seized from the Estonian people. Joining the EU would make our national wealth accessible to EU citizens, and everything that is worth buying will get bought. Primarily our land, because the non-existent purchasing power of Estonians will be unable to stop the buying out process. A small nation, who has lost their national wealth, has lost their homeland. Unlike a military occupation, that will eventually end, a land lost by economic occupation can not be reclaimed. All this is seizing territory.

§ 20. Only after independence oriented forces have gained majority in Riigikogu, it becomes possible to bring our economy out of the downward spiral. For that, we need as a qualitative minimum:
· To take as a foundation, the lack of economic protectionism in both import and export, meaning Estonia must implement a parity based foreign economic policy;
· Change the policy of foreign investments, in order to block foreign investments which are aimed at conquering our internal market and resources;
· To allow foreign investments (equally) from all geopolitical spheres;
· To guarantee better or at least equal opportunities for the national economic sector, as opposed to the economic activity of non residents, both in legislation and in the entrepreneurial climate, to implement an economic policy focused on national programs;
· With every national program, we must seek opportunities and weigh the necessity to found these programs on international cooperative projects;
· To functionally restructure the ministry of economics on the principle: ministry of foreign trade and national programs.

§ 21. A national program centered economic policy means, that the emphasis has been made on (export)production in which every entry into the national program consists of one component of national wealth (or several simoltaneously), for example forest, fields, oil shale, geographic location (one of the components of our national wealth from the aspect of East-West transit), etc. The geospheric equilibrium policy in foreign investments guarantees economic autarky in such a mix, so that the start of production and its continuation can not be interfered with by neocolonist aspirations. The emphasis on production has been made on the simple (in fact, imperative) reason, because independent production yields on the average three times as big an added value than subcontracting does, and with the economic policy centered around national programs, you would not have to rely on anybody else’s whims. To simplify, one can say: economic neoautarky is national program based production [12] in a geopolitically balanced foreign investment environment.

§ 22. In order to be economically able to fulfill our role as a geopolitical subject, we must:
· Rebuy the control share in railways and infrastructure;
· Subject foreign capital to national and so called world country mission interests, which does mean giving up the helping role of foreign capital; quite the opposite, as a global player, the explosive growth of foreign capital interests will be guaranteed without damaging the state, the people and national wealth;
· To make legislative preferences to financial institutions, international organisations, big foreign corporations who will open their businesses here;
· To normalize relations with all non hostile states.

VI Punctum saliens

This doctrine has an important historic role: to prove that not all went along with the selling out of country and people, with lies, cowardice, with the sneaky plan of neoslavery for the Estonian people, that not everybody’s mind was sleeping. In case the Estonian state and its people should perish by this ongoing neocolonization and territorial takeover, then this document shall be evidence that the Estonian people were timely forewarned, that an optimal solution was offered, to ensure the rise of a new purpouse for the Estonian people, the inception of social request. The road to new independence can begin only by ending all support to political parties, that are taking Estonia into the European Union, groveling in front of foreign investors, putting their interests in front of national interests; by giving support to only those parties, that uncompromisigly place independence in front of everything else, that set national economy in first place and make foreign investors serve Estonian national interests. There are no objective obstacles for that. Estonia must cooperate with the whole world, and not incorporate into the European Union, because it is not possible to integrate with the European Union. Estonia stands before a choice, either a new big union with „older brothers“, or to remain an independent person in a free, independent, economically rapidly developing Estonia, as the so called Switzerland of the world – a geopolitical world country. Estonia is an exception among exceptions. Exceptional is Estonia’s mission – to be a peace country.
Let us praise freedom! [13]

Adopted by the Estonian Independence Party board meeting on November 12, 2001.
(Signed by board members)

© Estonian Independence Party
© Vello Leito
[1] The expression „world country“ signifies the notion, that in a stable and geopolitically balanced situation, a mediary area has both the opportunity and the responsibility to communicate with global powers as an equal partner, thereby influencing global developments on an international level, ergo to be a player in global politics.

[2] See EIP press release: „EIP declaration on sovereignty“, 8 August 2001; also „No? Yes? – the basis of Eurodebate“, Tallinn 2001, page 98.

[3] Whereas the non-opening of the labour market to unskilled workers from Eastern new member states is guaranteed with strict supplemental conditions. In Finland, a government ordered analysis states an allowable increase of 5000 workers a year as a result of Eastern expansion (STT, 28.06.01), making it possible for only about 100 workers from Estonia to be able to work there.

[4] See „Estonia’s underground wealth“, Rein Raudsepp, Estonian Geological Centre, 1993.

[5] „Autarky“, autarkeia in Greek: self-sufficiency, an economic policy of states or groups of states, which is aimed towards achieving national independence from imports. The word came into use before WW1. Nowadays, autarky is still a very important topic, becoming even vitally important, but its practical meaning has broadened and does not involve just independence from imports anymore.

[6] In a public opinion review published in January 2001, only 28% of non-Estonians regarded their economic situation better than five years ago, yet 62% of them agreed with the governments economic policy. Why? Naturally, because they hope to become wealthy by the government’s EU policy.

[7] Upon joining the common economic are, the economy of a less competitive country loses mainly its small- and medium sized businesses to countries with stronger economies. It has happened before, for example in Mexico, after joining NAFTA, unemployment rose to over 50% within one year. Turkey joined the European free trade agreement on 1996, by 2001 over 30% of small businesses were bankrupt and people were protesting on the streets. Such developments were not expected by the EU, and an accession state is now required to be economically competitive (by the Copenhagen 2. criterium). Still, Estonia’s national economy is not competitive nor sustainable.

[8] NB! Gross Domestic Product (GDP) does not express the added value capacity of the national economic sector, because it also contains the net income or profit of non-residents. By subtracting the latter, it leaves the Gross National Product (GNP), which in the case of Estonia is 15%-20% lower.

[9] Typically for neocolonised countries: foreign companies selling imported goods flourish, while the national production withers, overall purchase power is low, middle class is diminishing, wealth inequality is rising, and corruption is skyrocketing. Thereby, Estonian intellectuals were wrong in saying that Estonia is in the depths of crisis. It is not. The status of neocolonised country has been established in Estonia, with the symptoms laid out in the intellectuals’ public address as natural for such status…

[10] The neocolonisation of Estonia was legalised by those members of the Estonian Parliament, that adopted the law of the Bank of Estonia, which eleveted the Bank of Estonia to the status of a government upon the government of Estonia – completely beyond the juristiction of the Parliament and the government.

[11] The most powerful weapons of neocolonisation are loans and investments (money) and the control of local banking. To fully understand the weight of this measure, one must be aware that the new economic competition strategy dictates lending only to projects which are useful to the colonisers. In that sense, it is useful to play out two imaginary situations. Firstly, if one needs a loan to set up a company which sells Swedism-made products; and secondly, if one needs a loan to rebuild, say the Estonian tobacco industry or the Estonian cellulose industry. One can easily predict the outcome of those two situations…

[12] The concept ‘national program based production’ does not mean the simoultaneous utilisation of all components of national wealth, but it does mean the immediate compilation of all national programs. When, how and where any component is launched is a matter of economic strategy.

[13] The doctrine „Estonia’s independence and the economy – Estonia as a geopolitical neoautarkic sphere“ has been developed by Vello Leito. You can find more in depth analysis on the topic in the book: „European Union in rear view“, by Vello Leito, Tallinn 2000; and „Estonia and geopolitics“, Vello Leito, Tallinn 2001.

Commentary of the EIP doctrine.

The search for an optimised development scenario for Estonia started in 1991, when Vello Leito was a non-comissional advisor for the Committee of Estonia. The work has continued to this day and is still incomplete. The following is a sample from the early days, a chapter from Vello Leito’s book „Estonia’s growth strategy for the year 2000“, the brochure „Estonia’s way“, (Tallinn 1992, page 11-16), as source.

ESTONIA IN GLOBAL CONTEXT

Before explaining what is Estonia’s way and how to reach it, we must acknowledge –  soberly and contemplatively – Estonia’s advantages in entering international communication. What is it that makes this our little plot of land different from others? What are our strong points? Here are four main strenghts, as follows:
–    relatively high level of national wealth (citizen potiental and productivity);
–    geographic location;
–    being a marine nation with two year-round ice-free ports (Paldiski, Tallinn);
–    exceptionally high level infrastructure for transport (NB! After completion with the participation of international common interest and cooperation)

Most important aspect is the first, which gives a basis to the claim that the exceptional path is achievable for Estonia. It is not difficult to picture if one imagines the condition Estonia was in, after winning the War of Independence, in 1920. Starting from a much more difficult position than now, Estonia achieved the level of European advanced nations within 20 years, creating a country, which economic achievments and culture are admired even now. Thus –  there are no hindrances to repeating that achievement as far as our gene pool is concerned.
Detailed explanation is necessery in the area of infrastructure. It has to be explained, based on three main development tendecies in Europe, especially in the Baltic area:

1.    The development of the European rail network, as the fastest, cheapest, cleanest form of land transport, to reduce traffic and air congestion.
2.    The small transport capacity of trans-Russian railways have significantly tensed the railway transport situation between Europe and Asia. More railway connections between Europe and Russia will have to be built to ease pressure on existing connections between Europe and Russia. The question remains, will the new connection be built to Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania or Finland; by whom; and by whose initiative?
3.    Several European futurological researches show that the European development zone will move over the Baltic area. The new zone will encompass the Nordic countries, Russia’s north-eastern territories, the Baltics, Poland, Germany. Within the next decades, investments will rise to billions of dollars in that area.

For us, it contains a simple message, that the future cannot be met with a negativistic attitude. Estonia’s develompent strategy must be in compliance with internatinal tendencies, it must be global. A great emphasis mist be laid on international common projects, where our „currency“ shall be the agreement to comply and cooperate with others. The (old school) paradigm for international wealth, is: productivity, capital, natural resources. Estonia’s main „natural resource“ is transport infrastructure a an objective, land-related wealth. To explain it, here are four constructs.

FIRST CONSTRUCT

Let us begin by answering a rhetorical question: why do we not realise that Estonia is a marine country with huge potential? Or, more importantly, what makes a marine country into what it is? Only its level of connections with land transport! Today, not only highways are sufficient for high level land transport. Global developments have shown the tendency for decline of highway transport in favour of rail transport, or high-speed rail transport, in the case of Europe. Estonia is a marine nation geographically, but to really turn Estonia into a marine nation, we would need to rebuild the Tallinn – Petseri – Jaroslavl railway into a two-way high-speed electrical railway (from Pologoje station onwards, there is a two-way high-speed railway up to the Pacific coast). Besides that we would need to build a one-way high-speed electrical railway from Pärnu via Mõisaküla and Valga up to the Tallinn – Petseri line. We can name it the transcontinental high-speed railway Tallinn/Pärnu – Jaroslavl – Jekaterinburg – Pacific coast. Let it be noted that it would be the only high-speed track from the Baltic basin. At present, the functioning transcontinental tracks from Riga and Klaipeda are hopelessly worn out, congested, with an average speed of trains suitable for the previous century.

A true maritime nation can be built up even more. On the Baltic basin, there are three ice-free ports: Tallinn, Klaipeda, Paldiski. Worst is Tallinn, the best: Paldiski! For a maritime nation of the next century, Paldiski will have to be rebuilt into a modern city, into a large marine port – business centre, which would assume most of the large-sized transit cargo: coal, timber, fuel, etc. Tallinn’s turnover would be lowered, regarding its less favourable position. Verily: a maritime nation is made into what it is by rail transport, and to a lesser degree: highway transport. Still, the international evaluation as – perfect – can be given only to such an infrastructure complex, which binds together yet another means of transport: air transport. Astonishingly, there is a suitable airfield already in Estonia, just three kilometers from the Tallinn – Paldiski railway and just 15 kilometers from Paldiski itself: Ämari airport. The first construct can be perfected even further, it can be widened in a functional way. Tallinn old town is a medieval, well-preserved tourist attraction, with few equals in Europe. Tallinn was visited by more Tourists in the Soviet era than any other Soviet city, except Leningrad and Moscow of course. It is fairly logical, that Tallinn shall remain a tourism magnet and the starting point for Via Baltica in the future. When examining these elements together and in cooperation, one can give Tallinn and Paldiski a short description, sure to be accurate in 5-10 years, if we just want and work for it: the starting point for a transcontinental transit channel (Baltic sea – Asia); an international meeting place for political and cultural relations; an international business centre – a base for corporate offices, a tourism town.

SECOND CONSTRUCT

There are plans in Germany to construct a six-lane international highway from Germany via Poland and the Baltics to Saint Petersburg. Its planned completion date within Germany is 1996, in the full extent by the end of the century. The road would meet the transcontinental railway near Tartu. Another magnificent infrastructural link would be developed – trans-european road transport meets the transcontinental railway and air-transport. Tartu has strong potential in its military airport, which can be developed into a partially Baltic airport by European standards. This construct, also, can be functionally widened. The University of Tartu is one of Europe’s oldest and with a high level of research faculty. With present and planned research facilities, Tartu can be built into one of the links in the international scientific community with infrastructural links with Europe and Asia. Serious results in fundamental research can not be achieved without international cooperation; such an achievement would provide a foundation for the reneissance of Estonia’s science and fundamental research community, with Tartu in the leading role.

THIRD CONSTRUCT

Up to now, there have been attempts to take Pärnu onto the map of Estonia as an attractive centre; it would perhaps be easier to take Pärnu on the map of the world. For that, relatively little is needed:

–    Mõisaküla needs to be connected with Valga via rail, the whole railway needs to be made into a one-track electrical high-speed railway until it meets up with the Tallinn – Asia transcontinental line.
–    Pärnu iron bridge must be restored as a draw-bridge.
–    Upriver from the bridge, a sea-yach quay must be constructed, which means sea-yach slots for kilometers, after which there is considerable demand in the Baltic pool.
–    Downriver from the new bridge, a new wharf for container ships.

As Pärnu already is a sea-resort town, and will become a Via Baltica town, adding this described infrastructure will make it into a whole, which can easily place itself onto the map of the world as an international business centre, a depot for container transport, the starting point for intercontinental transport line, a luxury meeting resort for businesspeople with a yacht wharf and an airport, which already exists as Pärnu military airport.

FOURTH CONSTRUCT

What do Panama, Suez and Gibraltar all have in common? They are intercontinental connection areas; there are three and they have global key positions. Attention! Europe and Asia do not meet in the Urals, not even in the near future. De facto somewhat. But potentially and economically Europe and Asia meet in the Baltics. Thus we have the full list of intercontinental connection areas: Panama, Suez, Gibraltar, and the Baltics. Estonia’s (Baltic) growth scenario is thus practically complete, from a global perspective: our way politically and economically, is to fully accept the status of intercontinental connection area; to performe its function on the basis of international agreements, and following the principle of balance of powers. A totally new quality in international relations would happen, if we were to mediate the overindustrialised Old World with the upcoming ancient spiritual Asia. Not so much regarding economy, information, culture and so on, but regarding ethics: a planetarily efficient and clean world view, a value system based on the pursuit of inner peace, as opposed to the pursuit of wealth.

At the same time it is clear, that for Estonia as a nation-state, a new quality would mean the potential to transform the political potential of the Baltics as a centre of the axis into economic potential. In international relations, Tallinn would be in the role of political and economical; Tartu the scientific and cultural and Pärnu the recreational and resort centre. All of these would form a unified centre, a Nordic Geneva, with regards to its functions and international reputation.

Print Friendly

Lisa kommentaar

Sinu e-postiaadressi ei avaldata. Nõutavad väljad on tähistatud *-ga

Saad kasutada järgmisi HTML-i märgendeid ja atribuute: <a href="" title=""> <abbr title=""> <acronym title=""> <b> <blockquote cite=""> <cite> <code> <del datetime=""> <em> <i> <q cite=""> <strike> <strong>